Kensington & Chelsea Council’s decision to cancel its annual diplomatic reception was a victory for anti-war campaigners. However, the council leadership’s claim that security threats were behind the move could suggest coordination between the local authority and bigger players in the war on Palestine.
13th February
We published this article on Kensington & Chelsea (RBKC)’s diplomatic reception for embassies based in the borough, the invitees including Israel’s genocidal ambassador Tzipi Hotovely.
Concerned locals, including members of the newly formed Kensington & Chelsea and Hammersmith & Fulham branch of Palestine Solidarity Campaign, mobilised, planning a demonstration at the Town Hall and urging residents to contact their councillors to demand the reception’s cancellation.Continue reading →
Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC) will honour Israel’s UK ambassador, Tzipi Hotovely, at a diplomatic reception even as the country she represents intensifies its campaign of genocide in the occupied Gaza Strip.
Hosted by the RBKC’s mayor Preety Hudd at Kensington Town Hall on Tuesday, February 20th, the event – an annual reception for ambassadors based in the borough – is a fixture in the council’s calendar although scant information about it is shared with the residents who pay for it. Continue reading →
In Kensington Town Hall last Wednesday night, a Labour councillor’s motion, “Assistance to Children in Poverty,” was slapped down by the permanent Conservative majority that dominates the council. A perfect allegory for the hopelessly dysfunctional politics of Kensington & Chelsea.
(the Labour councillors’ original motion)
Councillor Mohammed Bakhtiar’s motion was modest; he acknowledged the appalling rates of child poverty in the borough and the additional challenges created by the Covid restrictions. He called on the council to establish systems and allocate additional funds to address a crisis in which food poverty and job insecurity have compounded the difficulties faced by thousands of families.
The Labour councillor’s motion noted that a quarter (4,500 according to the last census) of the borough’s children live in poverty, with most of them residing in working households. A report by WPU Economics for the Kensington & Chelsea Foundation in 2021 showed that almost half (45.3%) of the borough’s children attend independent schools, far higher than both the London (10.1%) and England (9.7%) averages. This means that, of the Kensington children not in private education, close to half are living in poverty. The WPU report also notes:
• Black students in the borough have a gap in average Attainment 8 scores (a measure of progression in attainment) that is four and a half times larger than in England overall.
• White British pupils eligible for Free School Meals in the borough are the largest educationally disadvantaged group in terms of GCSE performance and higher education.
WPU Economics identified a wide range of factors that contribute to the borough’s educational inequalities:
• RBKC had higher temporary and permanent exclusion rates in primary and secondary state schools than both London and England as a whole. (This has been worsened by the academisation process, including the unaccountable leadership installed at Holland Park School)
• Exclusions for Black and Mixed ethnicity students are twice as high as their White or Asian peers. For students with Special Education Needs provision, they are three times as high as those without.
• Inadequate housing impacts education and 13% of RBKC households are overcrowded; 29.8 out of every 1,000 households are in temporary accommodation in the borough, compared to 17 in London 4.1 in England overall.
• A combination of a lack of space to learn at home and language and cultural barriers has meant that many children struggled to access quality education during the period of Covid restrictions.[i]
If we break the statistics down geographically, they become even more stark. Census figures for Golborne ward in North Kensington revealed that 68% of children were living in overcrowded homes. On Henry Dickens Court in another northern ward, Notting Dale, child poverty was at 58% while in Queens Gate, South Kensington, it was 2.8%.
Before Covid, communities in the north of the borough already faced a deteriorating situation; men in Golborne’s life expectancy had dropped to 72, while in a southern ward, Hans Town, they live 22 years longer. With a higher number of people from Black and minority ethnic communities residing in North Kensington, the area was disproportionately impacted by Covid. Office for National Statistics data showed Black males being over 400% more likely to die from Covid than white males. Parents of children living in poverty and overcrowded accommodation were also more likely to have a job deemed key to the economy, so many had to continue going to work while the laptop class worked from home, saving money and extending economic inequality.
The obscene inequalities affect the south of the borough too, with cuts to services worsening the poverty already entrenched in Earls Court and Chelsea World’s End.
Demand for tuition
While the borough’s third sector has worked valiantly to provide opportunities for children to catch up with lost learning following the counter-productive school closures, the demand has been difficult to meet in a funding environment in which charitable donations are declining.
An education coordinator at local charity told us: “The cost-of-living has bitten down on families, and we’re still in the long shadow of Covid, so demand for our classes has sky rocketed. We’ve doubled our registrations for educational support in the last year.
“All children were negatively affected by Covid because most learning progress happens in the classroom. But children from economically disadvantaged families were hit the hardest, and it’s not because the children aren’t capable or they have the wrong attitude. Factors like a lack of financial resources in the family, unsettled home circumstances and having parents who don’t have a high level of UK education are decisive.
“Children from families with money have been negatively affected too, results are down across the board. But being able to afford private tuition and IT equipment stops them falling behind. Teachers at schools are now over-stretched so can’t give time and attention to those who need it most. So an attempt at equity in education is not unfair in any way. Investing in high-impact support will help all children because it would free up time in the classroom for all pupils.
“Education is the most important thing to invest in in any community. It lifts people out of poverty, breaks negative cycles in families and empowers individuals to improve their circumstances. There’s a net positive effect on every aspect of the local community, social and economic. Crime goes down, cohesion increases.”
It was in this dire economic and social milieu, and under the council’s giant crest with its motto ‘What a good thing it is to dwell together in unity’ that Labour councillors sought to make some inroads into addressing the educational inequality they see worsening every day in their wards.
The Conservatives’ response was moved by Cllr Will Pascall of Chelsea and Cllr David Lindsay, former Mayor of Kensington:
(Tories’ amended motion)
The Tory councillors deleted from the specific actions proposed by the Labour councillors, namely identifying children in particular need of educational support and allocating funds to help them. The urgency in the Labour motion was replaced with a reaffirmation of the status quo and a specific focus on celebrating children at “grant-maintained schools” – the children already least in need of support catching up after Covid because they aren’t hampered by overcrowding, over-worked parents, poverty, and stress.
Because of the rules of the game at the Town Hall, Labour, the minority party, could not oppose the majority party’s amendments; they could only voice their opposition in a debate, and policy remained unchanged. As it has since the 1960s when an in-depth study found that Kensington’s Tory councillors saw it as their duty to limit public spending strictly to the provision of statutory services and to encourage “self-help” among the poor.
This was a boilerplate move from the Tories. Nothing has changed in the 50 years of the borough’s existence. No event, even the “most serious crime committed on British soil this century”[ii] can shake the Conservatives’ complacency. Posh white people with property portfolios who pay other people to raise their children and clean their homes push “self-reliance” on impoverished young people while restoring the council’s bank reserves and keeping their voting base, who have no material problems, on high alert over Labour’s menacing attitude towards the Tories’ one local campaign issue: bin collections.
The specific councillors who submitted the Tories’ response are typical Kensington toffs. Cllr Lindsay is an old Etonian, while Cllr Pascall apparently sent his children there.
The council does not look like an administrative entity capable of responding to the needs of disparate groups in a time of widening inequality when senior councillors treat politics like a sport. The Labour councillors who spoke against the Conservatives’ amendments to the timely “Assistance to Children in Poverty” motion also have to reckon with Sir Keir Starmer’s determination to keep those same children in poverty as he appeases the donor base that he serves, many of whom live in Kensington.
What a good thing it is to dwell together in unity.
[i] All statistics in these bullet points are taken from Poverty and Prosperity in Kensington + Chelsea Understanding inequalities in a Borough of Extremes; A WPI Economics Report for The Kensington + Chelsea Foundation; November 2021
[ii] Peter Apps, quote from Show Me The Bodies: How We Let Grenfell Happen; Oneworld Publications
The aristocratic politician who vanished from public view after the Grenfell Tower fire, Rock Feilding-Mellen, has re-emerged. Reinventing himself as a spiritual man working for the greater good, yet still a businessman; connected, dynamic and wealthy. Is that the reality? Or is he a man on the run? From justice, from North Kensington, from himself and the spectre of karma? Six years on from the atrocity, it is worth considering who Feilding-Mellen was, who he is, and what his transformed image means.
Image from Beckley Retreats
Who?
Rock Hugo Basil Feilding-Mellen is the son of Amanda Feilding, who also goes by the titles Countess of Wenyss & March and Lady Neidpath. The family are distant royals, a lineage tracing back to Charles II. Among the properties they own is Stanway House in Gloucestershire, which they promote as “an enclave of very English and almost magical harmony.”
As well as being steeped in aristocratic and feudalistic privilege, Amanda Feilding is also a drug reform campaigner, a sought-after “thought leader” in psychedelic drug research. The media has presented a bohemian, eccentric image of the family, but their radical credentials are limited to psychedelics and do not cross over into causes that challenge the status quo such as land reform or social justice. You can watch her drill a hole in her own head here.
Radical Politics
Rock Feilding-Mellen took a career in politics and in 2010 was given a safe Conservative council seat in Kensington, the most unequal local authority area in Britain. Just three years later, at the age of 34 and with no obvious expertise or qualification for either position, he was made Deputy Leader of Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC) and Cabinet Member for Housing, Property and Regeneration. This positioned him to become the most consequential politician in recent local history. Feilding-Mellen set about manifesting a vision of dramatically altered demographics and culture in North Kensington, stating that he wanted to “wean people off” the idea of being able to live in social housing in the borough.
Under the banner of ‘regeneration,’ Feilding-Mellen cut RBKC’s housing waiting list in half and imposed a decant policy which removed the right of return to their neighbourhoods for residents forced out. The deputy leader also set out on an aggressive campaign of asset stripping the north of the borough; his targets included the college, library, Westway Information Centre, Canalside House and whole housing estates, including Lancaster West, site of Grenfell Tower.
During this period, Feilding-Mellen was also a director of various small, possibly shell, companies including Socially Conscious Capital Ltd which deals in “strategic land promotion projects” and remains a going concern at Companies House.
The name Socially Conscious Capital jars, given that it was Rock Feilding-Mellen who oversaw and signed off on the 2016 refurbishment of Grenfell Tower, done on the cheap while RBKC sat on a third of a billion pounds of reserves. It appears that the deputy leader still planned to ‘regenerate’ Lancaster West, presiding over the local authority’s culture of cost-cutting and denigrating residents who raised their voices.
After the Fire
Feilding-Mellen was forced by the government to resign from his RBKC leadership roles in the wake of the Grenfell Tower fire. He retained a passive income from his councillor’s salary until the May 2018 election despite vanishing from public life.
Rock’s mother Amanda Feilding carried on seemingly without compunction. A month after the fire, Vice magazine showcased her pro-drugs health campaigning, with no mention of Grenfell Tower, and she gave further interviews and talks on psychedelics throughout 2017 as if nothing had happened in North Kensington.
Four years on from the fire, Rock Feilding-Mellen answered some questions at the Grenfell Inquiry. But the Inquiry Chairman, Sir Martin Moore-Bick, did the politicians, Tenant Management Organisation officers and corporates who played roles (prima facie) in the atrocity a huge favour by creating a gap of years before any criminal investigation would commence. Moore-Bick’s priority was to establish what happened, not who was to blame. Covid lengthened this lag and the precedent of people like Graham Mackrell (implicated in the Hillsborough disaster) show how the passage of time and expensive lawyers can provide a way out for those determined to avoid justice in cases where the British establishment has a vested interest in avoiding a reckoning.
Image from Grenfell Tower Inquiry
The tortoise pace and “merry-go-round of buck-passing” of the Inquiry has not served the victims, only the criminals and the establishment. And Rock Feilding-Mellen, by birth and through his deeds, is an establishment figure.
Psychedelics
In contrast to many in North Kensington who live in forced passivity, waiting for a sign of justice for Grenfell, Feilding-Mellen has been able to explore a wildly different lifestyle via the family business. His mother is Founder and Executive Director of the Beckley Foundation, a registered charity focused on drug policy reform and scientific research into psychoactive substances. The foundation is named after Beckley Park, an Oxfordshire country house owned by various Royals, Dukes and Lords. Used historically as a hunting lodge by Kings, and possessing three moats, it is one of Amanda Feilding’s properties.
Beckley has two for-profit offshoots; one is Beckley Psytech Limited, a drug research company overseen by Amanda’s other son, Cosmo. Despite reporting a loss of over £9 million in 2021, Beckley Psytech also reported retained total assets of over £67 million.
Rock Feilding-Mellen co-founded and directs the other offshoot, Beckley Retreats, a company that offers supervised, legal psilocybin retreats in Jamaica and The Netherlands. Beckley offers 11-week programmes for participants, including online preparation, five nights of immersive retreat and support afterwards. The retreats are not cheap, but bursaries are made available, and Feilding-Mellen has stated that he wants to expand the availability of bursaries to enable more people to benefit from the healing and awakening experiences accessible through psychedelics.
After the Grenfell Tower fire and his enforced resignation from his cabinet roles at Kensington Town Hall, Feilding-Mellen apparently went into hiding. For months, posters in North Kensington asked where he had disappeared to.
But the protracted progress of the Grenfell Inquiry sheltered Feilding-Mellen from public accountability for years, and the national media had lost interest in him by August 2017.
Numerous sources who knew him in both his politician and businessman days recall a man so arrogant and without regard for others that they assumed he took cocaine before every meeting. As a young man, Feilding-Mellen would apparently startle rooms of seasoned businessmen with his projection of absolute entitlement. Community leaders in North Kensington say that, while he liked to present himself as dynamic and entrepreneurial, he was transparently an old-school Conservative politician pursuing the interests of his class. It is not known to us whether or not Feilding-Mellen has a diagnosis of sociopathy or psychopathy, but his conduct in Kensington was consistent with somebody devoid of empathy and filled with a grandiose sense of self. These same traits are no barrier to somebody transitioning to an entirely new image by learning how to present certain emotions that elicit sympathy from empathic people.
Among the stable of right-wing Tory councillors that dominated the local authority, Feilding-Mellen was the youngest and most ambitious. Perhaps it was deference to his ancestry that inspired his colleagues to prematurely promote somebody with no obvious talent to a position of significant power. Or, with the unleashing of so-called austerity in 2010, the Kensington Conservatives knowingly used Feilding-Mellen as their attack dog against the working class communities of the borough, knowing that with every action taken against the population, a reaction would come in the form of resistance. Some Tory councillors from that era remain in cabinet roles including one who is now RBKC’s leader.
It is easy to argue that Rock Feilding-Mellen did more than any other individual to establish the conditions and normalise the attitudes that played out in the run-up to the Grenfell Tower fire. His personality and ambition, and the power he was gifted, added to his determination to lead a devastating demographic transformation of North Kensington created circumstances that reflected his destructive attitudes towards poorer communities.
Rock’s Recovery
Image from Instagram / Beckley Retreats
On the fourth anniversary of the fire, Forbes Magazine published a reverential piece on Amanda Feilding and her commitment to “cognitive liberty.” The impression is of Beckley being an enterprise aimed at some kind of common good but operating in a silo, and now being utilised to stage manage Rock Feilding-Mellen’s rehabilitation, possibly an important element in future court appearances. Beckley’s public relations output use the horror of Grenfell to portray Feilding-Mellen as a victim, with no hint at his true role.
Beckley’s copywriters use the passive voice around the Grenfell atrocity to re-position Rock as a man of vulnerability and virtue: “In his mid-thirties, a tragedy left him feeling purposeless and lost.”
Beckley’s website doesn’t identify Feilding-Mellen as a politician. He has moved on, “an entrepreneur and investor” who “seeks to create, cultivate and support start-ups that are poised to provide transformational benefits to individuals and our society at large through finding innovative solutions to the growing epidemic of mental illness or through finding new ways to boost creativity and connectedness.”
His political career in Kensington is brushed off as “rebelling against his upbringing” by his hippy parents. This rebellion ended with the devastation at Grenfell Tower, but this had a positive outcome for Rock that the reader is presumably supposed to be happy about: “It was only then that he found himself willing to explore that which his mother had long championed….finally seeing how transformative and regenerative the use of psychedelics could be.”
A section on the Beckley website titled “His Why” explains that psychedelics saved Feilding-Mellen from “a pit of cynicism” and inspired him to “help other skeptics and ‘realists’ discover the strength and joy that come from perceiving that we live in an enchanted universe.”
Rock states: “I am dedicated to helping others in the same way I was helped, to turn their lives around and see the wonder all around them.”
Does Feilding-Mellen need to package his story in such a sanitised, corporate-friendly way? Does he need to publicise his agonised spiritual awakening and personal development, only achieved on the back of his rapaciously abusive policies that targeted the most vulnerable in society? Perhaps he does, if he is to convince two audiences of his innocence: himself, and further down the line, possibly a judge.
Feilding-Mellen (right) with then-RBKC Leader Nicholas Paget-Brown (left) and leader of the now-disbanded KCTMO Robert Black inside Grenfell Tower during its refurbishment, 2016.
A supposedly transformed and regenerated human being, reset by psilocybin and meditation, yet in his appearance on the New Health Club podcast, Feiling-Mellen sounded very much the politician or businessman, focusing on the practical aspects of Beckley’s work, glossing over the absence of any personal spiritual insights by saying “I try very hard not to wang on too much about my connection to the divine” and “I try not to sound too woo-woo.”
Feilding-Mellen stated that he remains “mission driven,” focusing on the “core delivery side of the ecosystem” of the company and wants to “harness the best bits of capitalism” to expand the good work of Beckley.
Meanwhile, in Kensington
Suicides, trauma, depression, poverty, and no sign of justice. Such is the design of British society that somebody of the almost inconceivable privilege of Rock Feilding-Mellen can be confident that he will remain protected. He can believe that he is not guilty of an all-out attack on the poorer communities of North Kensington and all that brought; that he is in fact a victim.
Feilding-Mellen, with no apparent talent and without having contributed anything productive to our economy, can simultaneously reinvent himself as a spiritualist and enrich himself with a new venture that not only maintains high social status but also promises serious dividends as psychedelic treatments become a boom industry.
Privilege is sheltered from justice, then demands that it must feel and be accepted as virtuous, no matter how many people suffer for these brief releases of the feel-good chemicals in the brains of the least self-aware people in the country.
Like the crime at Hillsborough, most of the people affected by the atrocity at Grenfell Tower are stuck in a form of purgatory, unable to move on while justice is denied; unable to have faith in a system that is stacked against them; yet unable to give up hope for some kind of justice as that would be to dishonour those lost. In contrast, it’s a time of abundance for the spiritual-corporate complex, mainly because it has been co-opted as a means for the worst people in the world to feel good about themselves without the boredom of contemplation or the burden charitable giving found at the heart of the major religions.
Beckley Retreats and Rock Feilding-Mellen’s re-emergence without repentance are now intertwined. It is difficult to know what to make of Beckley as company, founded by Feilding-Mellen and presumably staffed by people who know his background yet proceed, “committed to diversity, equity, inclusion and belonging.” As Deputy Leader of Kensington & Chelsea, Feilding-Mellen would have known the council’s motto: ‘Quam Bonum In Unum Habitare’ – ‘What a good thing it is to dwell together in unity.’ Nobody would invoke RBKC’s motto as evidence of the council doing good work. Similarly, nobody should be fooled by the fine words of Beckley Retreats’ public relations when it comes to assessing whether Sinnerman Rock has changed.
He has landed in the perfect safe place for somebody desperately needing a rebrand ahead of at least one day of judgement.
RBKC Deputy Leader Kim Taylor-Smith. Image from rbkc.gov.uk
With a government inspector now considering Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC)’s New Local Plan proposals, more details have emerged showing the extent of the local authority’s deception over the historic community building, Canalside House. Despite the building not being on the site of the huge Kensal-Canalside development, the council has adjusted maps and refused to engage with local groups in a bid to force the sale and demolition of one of North Kensington’s last remaining community assets.
“Do not need to demolish”
Since we revealed in February that RBKC had cut a secret deal with Ballymore for the sale and demolition of Canalside House, resident organisations have received no new information from the council’s Deputy Leader Kim Taylor-Smith who is also Lead Member for Grenfell Housing and Social Investment. In the absence of proactive council leadership, residents have organised meetings with the developer, Ballymore, and analysed RBKC’s New Local Plan to better understand their predicament.
The situation faced by Canalside’s third sector groups has gone full circle back to September 2018 when Cllr Taylor-Smith told them that “part or all of the building will require demolition” to “maximise the density of the Kensal Gas Works development.”Continue reading →
International property developer Ballymore has met with community groups from Canalside House to address anxieties over what will come next if the historic building is demolished as part of the transformation of the Kensal Gas Works site. While Ballymore has shown willingness to explore ways to maintain and enhance the vital work done at Canalside House, the building’s owner, Kensington & Chelsea Council, has remained conspicuously silent.
Recap
In February, we revealed that Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC) had struck a secret deal with Ballymore to sell one of North Kensington’s last remaining community hubs, Canalside House. Decided without democratic oversight, consultation with the affected communities or engagement with tenant organisations, the deal, if completed, will fulfil a long-held wish of the council to rid itself of a centre that was built in 1929. Canalside House has been an integral part of North Kensington, hosting a diverse range of events, charities, community groups and businesses, including being the starting point for Innocent Smoothies, a company now worth over £2 billion but still located directly opposite Canalside House on Ladbroke Grove.
The international property developer set to profit handsomely from the transformation of the Gas Works site in North Kensington / Kensal Green has abandoned its offer to meet with the resident organisations of Canalside House. The historic community building on Ladbroke Grove has been pulled into plans for the ‘Kensal Canalside Opportunity Area’ despite sitting outside the site, and will be demolished by Ballymore once they complete the purchase. Instead of meeting with the Canalside organisations together, Ballymore is now offering individual drop-ins. For their part, Kensington & Chelsea council is pretending these public drop-ins are “consultations” – reprising the tactics and vocabulary of the discredited, disgraced Rock Feilding-Mellen, former deputy leader of the council. Let’s not fall for it again.
Offer
There is reason to suspect that Ballymore is ignorant about the work done at Canalside House and keen to avoid gaining knowledge of the problems that will be caused by the demolition of one of North Kensington’s last remaining community assets. To date the developer has offered only vague platitudes regarding their intentions towards the resident organisations – “our proposals incorporate all the community-focused activities of Canalside house” – that have increased suspicion in a local community that has endured it all before, including six years of public relations spin from its council.
At a public meeting in March, Ballymore’s PR representatives from Comm Comm (Community Communications) offered to meet Canalside House residents at Canalside House so that they could express their concerns about Ballymore’s plans. But Ballymore has now jettisoned this proposal and the collective of charities, community groups, care agencies, housing co-ops and small businesses are expected to content themselves with attending Ballymore’s public exhibition and drop-in hub on Kensal Road. Comm Comm told Urban Dandy “We have already met some people from the buildings at our consultation hub and hope to meet others over the coming weeks.”
Using “buildings” instead of “building” suggests Ballymore considers Canalside House and neighbouring Canalside Activity Centre to be one and the same. Ballymore can then claim that whatever green space and sports activities are included on the new development represent the “community-focused activities” of Canalside House.
2016
In 2016, at the height of Feilding-Mellen’s aggressive asset strip, the organisations of Canalside House were invited to ‘consultations’ at the Town Hall. To their surprise, no other resident organisations were present, and they were informed they would be moved to a converted industrial site on Latimer Road. Half the size of Canalside, the hot desking space offered zero privacy and no storage. I pointed out to the council’s Head of Property, Social Investment & Property (not a typo, real job title) that it was not a consultation and asked if there would be a consultation. He was emphatic that there would not be, telling the residents “take it or leave it.” The same person remains in the role today.
Are Ballymore aware that they are aping the divide-and-rule approach of the most hated politicians in North Kensington?
Hiding
Comm Comm also told us: “We understand that all tenants of the buildings have been contacted by their landlords to be updated.”
Most, but not all, Canalside House tenants, have received letters from the council that offer little to no reassurance, but plenty of carefully-worded vagueness. The same message sent to Urban Dandy by the council’s PR department in response to our reporting on the planned sale has been sent to Canalside House residents, sometimes signed by Fielding-Mellen’s replacement Kim Taylor-Smith; sometimes by the Head of Property, Social Investment & Property. Minor edits have been made to provide a friendlier tone to some organisations, but it is mainly copied and pasted from the PR statement.
Ballymore is hiding behind the ragged notion that Canalside House’s resident organisations are happy to passively receive updates this way, from the same institution that has repeatedly sought to deprive them of their building, thereby jeopardising their ability to deliver vital services in one of the most economically depressed areas of the country.
Kensington & Chelsea council tells Canalside House residents: “We would only sell the building if Ballymore were able to meet our proposed terms, including the reprovision of community space.”
But this is disingenuous, and not just because of the council’s managed decline of the building and past attempts to sell it. Multiple sources from multiple meetings with Ballymore have said that the developer told them that Taylor-Smith and the council insisted that Ballymore take Canalside House off their hands, hinting that the deal is contingent on the purchase of the building.
Play off
Ballymore and Kensington & Chelsea are attempting to play us off against each other; hiding behind each other’s statements when it is convenient and claiming ignorance of their partner’s intentions when that suits their interests. If they succeed and Canalside House is demolished, we won’t be able to say we didn’t see it coming.
Numerous property developers are set to profit from the huge development of the Kensal Gas Works site. Sadly for North Kensington, one of these property developers has a side hustle as Deputy Leader of Kensington & Chelsea Council. Kim Taylor-Smith is attempting to fulfil the plan of his predecessor, Rock Feilding-Mellen, in selling Canalside House for demolition. Taylor-Smith denies that he has struck a secret deal to sell the historic building, but as you will read below, the council and the developer have yet to get their story straight.
Taylor-Smith
In February we exposed Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC)’s secret deal to sell one of North Kensington’s last surviving community assets, Canalside House. Councillor Taylor-Smith was unimpressed by our reporting, labelling it “misinformed” while admitting that secret talks had been held with Ballymore.
RBKC’s deputy leader, who is also Lead Member for Grenfell Housing and Social Investment, told Byline Times last month, “We would only sell the building if Ballymore were able to meet the proposed terms, including on reprovision of community space, and if they are also able to get planning permission from the council.”
Taken at face value, Councillor Taylor-Smith was suggesting that RBKC might reject Ballymore. However, we now know that it was the council who approached Ballymore about Canalside House, not the other way around. See the section below on Ballymore for evidence. Canalside House does not sit on the site of the Kensal Canalside Gas Works development, and therefore could be maintained and upgraded as a community asset, as Taylor-Smith has repeatedly promised since the Grenfell Tower fire in 2017.
Under the watch of Councillor Taylor-Smith, Canalside House has been in managed decline. See our previous articles for details of his duplicitous dealings over the building.
Via a council press officer, the deputy council leader told Urban Dandy: “We recently wrote to all Canalside House tenants to provide them with the most up to date information about the future of the building and will continue to communicate directly with them and keep them informed of any developments.”
We have checked with several Canalside organisations, who all confirmed that they have received no such communication from the council.
One organisation showed us an email from Taylor-Smith himself, sent in response to our article, in which he claims “We’ve been open with you, the tenants in Canalside House about these discussion and I wanted to reassure you that no agreement has been reached with Ballymore.”
But RBKC’s dealings with Ballymore were kept entirely secret and were not subject to any democratic oversight at the Town Hall. Without us having reported on the deal, it is improbable that anybody in North Kensington, including the building’s residents, would know that Canalside House had been allocated to property developers to be added to the area for development.
RBKC’s response
Councillor Taylor-Smith’s response to our questions included a denial that a deal has been made with Ballymore, as well as a claim that the council had written to all Canalside organisations and a vow that RBKC will continue to communicate with all residents directly.
On Ballymore, Taylor-Smith conceded that the developer is putting its proposals together and these will include the land occupied by Canalside House since 1929.
In what could be interpreted as a contradiction of his denial of a secret deal, Taylor-Smith also told Urban Dandy “Should a time come when Canalside tenants may have to move out of the building, we would work closely with them to find them suitable alternative accommodation in the local area, with a view to them moving back on to the site once it is finished should they wish to do so.”
Public meeting
A chaotic public meeting hosted by Ballymore at Moberly Sports Centre a fortnight ago was surely a sign of things to come. With thousands of people across North Kensington and Kensal Green to be impacted by the Gas Works development, Ballymore’s Project Manager was ill-prepared for the wide range of questions from attendees.
Ballymore might be hoping that public confusion will enable their plans to proceed without too much input from the communities set to be impacted. Comm Comm UK, Ballymore’s communications consultancy for the project suggested to us that a meeting specifically about Canalside House could be held, at Canalside House. We haven’t heard from them since.
Questioned about Canalside House, Ballymore’s representative at Moberly confirmed that it was RBKC that had instigated the deal. He also said that the council had told Ballymore that they were looking into the possibility of moving the Canalside organisations into the Gramophone Works on Kensal Road. The building was purchased for £18 million by Resolution Property in 2015 and is marketed as a “contemporary workplace in the heart of creative West London” and “industrial style workspace.”
For the care agencies, youth groups and housing co-ops of Canalside House, echoing around an open plan building that provides zero privacy for clients would be impossible. It seems highly unlikely that RBKC would dip into its famous reserves to pay the rent at the Gramophone Works for the displaced Canalside organisations. It does however seem likely that RBKC told Ballymore that the Gramophone Works is being considered as a way of allaying any concerns the developer might have about bulldozing a cherished community building.
RBKC’s vague reassurances about the fate of the community groups might be sufficient for Ballymore but Taylor-Smith’s characteristic chicanery is not convincing anybody locally and the deputy leader seems to have exhausted any lingering goodwill he had cultivated since 2017.
Ballymore’s response
Via Comm Comm, Ballymore told Urban Dandy that the purchase and demolition of Canalside House represents “an opportunity to work with RBKC to increase the already significant community, work, leisure and activity space we are planning within Kensal Canalside.”
They did not mention the specific groups or activities currently at Canalside House, but they stated “our proposals incorporate all the community-focused activities of Canalside house as part of what the wider development will offer, and including this additional land will allow it to be opened up as another area of public space for the community to use.”
This vague claim was repeated by Ballymore’s representative at the Moberly meeting.
The developer’s response to us also confirmed that the council is offering reassurances to Ballymore that the community might find difficult to stomach: “We understand RBKC is working closely with the remaining charities based at Canalside House to find them a new home in a more modern building with better facilities nearby.”
According to multiple sources who are based at Canalside House, this is categorically untrue.
by Tom Charles @tomhcharles
Canalside House, centre left, seen from the Gramophone Works. Image from thegramophoneworks.com
Former Mayor of Kensington & Chelsea, the councillor Gerard Hargreaves, has been questioned by the Charity Commission as part of its probe into apparent corruption at al-Manaar Muslim Cultural Heritage Centre in North Kensington. Councillor Hargreaves, who represents Chelsea Riverside ward, is accused of proposing that a long-standing debt of thousands of pounds owed to al-Manaar by a fellow trustee be written off. And Hargreaves is understood to be among a faction of trustees suspected of trying to force through the removal of the mosque’s CEO.
Cllr Hargreaves, left, with al-Manaar CEO Abdurahman Sayed
Charity Commission
We have seen the 15 questions sent by the Charity Commission to al-Manaar’s nine trustees, which reveal why the government department consider the concerns raised to be serious enough to meet the threshold for investigation. The alleged abuses at the mosque have dogged the charity for years and are suggestive of abject mismanagement and a culture of bullying.
With the Charity Commission involved, it seems unlikely that all the mosque’s trustees will survive in their positions unless they can offer evidence that they are taking steps to ensure the centre’s governance is fully transparent and compliant with Charity Commission guidelines. The circumstances could be serious enough for the Charity Commission to utilise sweeping powersto impose new systems and personnel on al-Manaar to help it move on from its internal strife and focus on its role as an integral and much-respected community hub and place of healing.
Questions
A source told Urban Dandy that much of the unrest at the mosque has been directly or indirectly connected to Dr Abdulkarim Khalil, a mainstay at al-Manaar from its foundation, when he led fundraising efforts. He has been al-Manaar’s CEO, Chair of Trustees (twice) and remains a trustee.
The debt that Councillor Hargreaves allegedly suggested be written off was rent arrears owed by Dr Khalil for use of al-Manaar’s two-bedroom flat. Trustees had set the rent at the local social housing rate of just under £9,000 a year in 2012.
With NATO having overthrown the government of Libya, Dr Khalil travelled to Tripoli in 2012 to work at what had been the Gaddafi International Charity and Development Foundation, essentially the Libyan state charity. This was salaried work, but al Manaar’s trustees apparently viewed it as a sabbatical and for six months kept Dr Khalil in receipt of his mosque salary.
It was during his period of working in Libya that Dr Khalil incurred his debt for non-payment of rent to the charity. Year after year, the figure was questioned as accountants prepared the charity’s annual accounts, until 2018 when trustees decided to write of the debt.
Minutes for the January 6th 2018 trustees meeting sent to Urban Dandy include two matters discussed without Dr Khalil, Chair of Trustees at the time, in the room. One was a request from Dr Khalil that al-Manaar contribute to his travel costs for flights to and from Libya. This request was deemed “inappropriate” by trustees as Dr Khalil was not travelling on al-Manaar business.
However, the second matter produced a better outcome for Dr Khalil as the trustees wrote off £8923 of rent arrears accrued between 2012 and 2015. The decision is justified in the minutes by “uncertainties that surrounded the unfolding situation in his home country (Libya) at the time;” that “while in the flat he attended to Muslim Cultural Heritage Centre matters on a daily basis” and the flat had been “long empty following the departure of the Care Taker.”
The minutes do not suggest that comments were made on the legality of the decision or its impact on other areas of al-Manaar’s work.
A source told us that it was Councillor Hargreaves who proposed writing off the debt, and that at the time, only months after the Grenfell tower fire, there was so much going on at al-Manaar that it was quite easy for such a decision to be taken without scrutiny.
The Charity Commission’s questions to the trustees, issued early this year, include the following:
“Why did you write off £9000? How did that serve the best interests of the charity?”
And the Charity Commission instructs the trustees to:
“Comment upon the Annual Accounts AC 18 and the reference to a party disclosure for £8923 to a trustee Dr Khalil which was written off.”
Trust
Another matter related to Dr Khalil that the Charity Commission questioned the trustees about was any relationship between trustees and Zubaidah Trust, a charity founded by Dr Khalil with virtually nothing to show in successive annual account submissions. “Trustees to comment if the charity has any relationship with Zubaidah Trust.”
The relevance of this Trust is not clear.
It was during the period of Dr Khalil’s work in Libya that al-Manaar appointed Abdurahman Sayed as CEO. Kensington & Chelsea Social Council oversaw the recruitment process, which, it is claimed by our source, took decision-making power away from those who had previously been able to steer the charity in directions of their choosing. As a result of Sayed’s appointment, various disgruntled staff and board members sought to make the CEO’s life uncomfortable and, early this year, managed to oust him from his role, albeit temporarily.
Suspension
According to our source, five trustees, including Councillor Hargreaves, took it upon themselves to suspend Abdurahman Sayed, without consulting the other four trustees or calling a trustees’ meeting, on 13th January. They had been apparently angered by the CEO’s firing of an Imam who Sayed claimed was receiving a full-time salary for working part-time.
Two trustees allegedly told al-Manaar staff “You are not allowed to communicate with Abdurahman” and a supporter of this faction addressed the congregation at the mosque, urging them to turn against the CEO. He was apparently ejected by people who had gone there to worship.
The other faction of the trustees, none of whom were in place at the time of the decision to write-off Dr Khalil’s arrears, urged the CEO to return to work and somebody reported events to the Charity Commission.
Our source told us that Councillor Hargreaves “does not behave like a trustee, he is completely untransparent.” They accuse Hargreaves of not following any procedures, including complaints procedures, and of participating in a culture in which disputes are treated as personal rather than professional issues.
Adding to this impression, our source told us that Hargreaves complained to council leader Elizabeth Campbell about the presence of a Labour councillor, nominated by the local authority, on the board of trustees.
We contacted Councillor Hargreaves requesting a comment on the allegations made against him and on the more general situation at al-Manaar, but he had not replied at the time of writing.
More Questions
In their letter to al-Manaar’s trustees, the Charity Commission asked:
“Who voted to get rid of the CEO?”
And instructed them to confirm:
“Which trustees voted for the suspension of the CEO and which voted against.”
The deadline for the trustees to respond was in late February, by which point Abdurahman Sayed had returned to work, his suspension having being shown to carry no legal weight.
Three trustees remain from the time of the apparent financial corruption in 2018. These are Esmail Jasat, who was Treasurer at the time and is now Chair; Dr Abdulkarim Khalil, the beneficiary of the decision, who was then Chair and remains a trustee; and Councillor Gerard Hargreaves, who was part of the council’s Cabinet at the time of the Grenfell Tower fire. The former Mayor remains a trustee at al Manaar and is Chairman of Kensington & Chelsea Council Council’s Audit and Transparency Committee.
Kensington & Chelsea Council (RBKC) has struck a secret deal with an international property developer to sell the North Kensington community hub, Canalside House. There has been no democratic oversight of the deal, no consultation with the affected communities and the tenant organisations have not been informed. Information on the sale was provided by an unimpeachable source who told us that by this time next year “Canalside House will be gone”.
Deal
RBKC’s deal follows years of uncertainty in which the council has swung between two polarities: imposing a sale against the wishes of the community and vowing to work with tenant organisations to upgrade Canalside House.
The buyer, Ballymore, will demolish the building, which sits next to, but not on, the Kensal Canalside Opportunity Area site. Our source explained that ahead of making the deal public, the council is actively seeking to reduce the number of organisations utilising Canalside House. The terms of the sale will obligate RBKC to provide temporary space for the evicted organisations, so the fewer groups using the building, the less work there will be for the council.
This aspect of the deal is borne out in RBKC’s refusal to rent out the biggest and best offices in the building. Those enquiring about using the large first-floor office, rented until last year by Portobello Business Centre, have been informed they can use that space free of charge on an ad-hoc basis, but no long-term tenancy will be possible.
The large ground floor office, vacated by the Volunteer Centre in 2016 during a previous move by the council to sell, was converted into a cheap hot-desking space but is barely advertised or used. Our source told us that RBKC has categorically ruled out any groups using that space for ongoing service provision to ensure the number of tenant organisations is kept to a minimum.
Following a period in temporary office space provided by RBKC, the deal sees the council hand responsibility for housing the Canalside organisations to Ballymore, a private company with no expertise in providing vital services such as the ones available at Canalside House.
Ballymore’s wish to own everything next to their Gas Works site is further evidenced by their offer for the converted water tower next to Canalside House. The tower’s owner turned down the offer.
image from ballymoregroup.com
History
Built in 1929, Canalside House sits at the top end of Ladbroke Grove. Less than a mile from Grenfell Tower, the centre was a hub of community support during and after the 2017 fire and is one of North Kensington’s last remaining spaces for charities, the voluntary sector, small businesses, and other local enterprises. Tenants include representatives of local African communities, housing cooperatives, care organisations and mental health charities.Continue reading →
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